In Gender Outlaw, Kate Bornstein discusses the attacks made on transgender and transsexual individuals by some cultural feminists (Bornstein 75-77). She chooses to title this section with a question, one that I believe gets to the heart of the issue-What are they afraid of? (Bornstein 74)
Bornstein’s main example of the anti-inclusionary
feminist is Janice G. Raymond, and she discusses two primary fears present in
Raymond’s work. The first is a fear of a loss of power, specifically the
invasion of “women only” spaces by someone who was not born a female, who may
then seek to assume a position of power and control (Bornstein 76). Bornstein
makes the point that such fears are not historically without precedent, and
brings up the example of the nadle (Bornstein
75). The nadle comes from the Navajo
culture, and was a male-to-female transgender person whose social role was to
suppress uprisings of women (Bornstein 75). The fear that Raymond has of
transgender and transsexual people becoming a part of feminism seems to be a
fear that they will become a modern day equivalent of the nadle. Second
is the fear of deception, which she presents as a form of rape (Bornstein 76). This
again echoes the fear of the nadle and
that hiding one’s transgender or transsexual status may be used in order to gain
power. Bornstein to an extent seems to agree with this point, describing it as “an
unworthy stance, more heinous if one’s invisible status is maintained with the
purpose of gaining power” (Bornstein 76).
While these fears give a basic
understanding of the fears of anti-inclusion feminism, the issue goes far
deeper than Bornstein can explore in a few short paragraphs. These issues are
described and rebutted in Eli R. Green’s Debating
Trans Inclusion in the Feminist Movement (http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/J155v10n01_12).
In this article Green pays special attention to the works of Janice Raymond and
their impact on modern day feminism.
In Green’s article, a clearer
picture of Raymond’s view of trans individuals is presented to the reader. She assumed
that “woman-ness” could only come from being born female, and did not believe
that it could exist in a male body (Green 236-237). I believe that it is this
thinking that drove many of her fears, as she assumed that if they were allowed
into “women only” spaces, it would represent an intrusion of maleness and an
extension of the patriarchy into the female sphere. She could not accept them
as women, and instead saw them as a sort of wolf in sheep’s clothing.
She also saw trans individuals as
diametrically opposed to the idea of feminism. Drawing on the statistic that,
at the time, a majority of transsexual surgeries were male-to-female, she
concluded that trans men were incredibly rare, and an anomaly (Green 237). She
explained this by saying that feminism inhibits the existence of trans men, and
that feminists will not identify as trans men as the result of being feminists
(Green 237). Specifically, she thought that trans men were simply women seeking
to avoid the oppression associated with being women, which can be equally
fulfilled by feminism (Green 238). She took this logical fallacy and turned it
around, saying that trans people cannot be feminists because they are trans. Overall,
her view of trans women was, as Green puts it, of “deviant men on a mission to destroy
or at least usurp the success of the feminist movement” (239).
While I find these claims patently
ridiculous, there still exists today a branch of feminism which continues to
hold on to Raymond’s fears. The message may have changed somewhat since 1979,
but the fear that trans people are not feminist enough, and may be dangerous to
the feminism as a result, is still present (Green 240). However, these views
are, in my opinion, extremely damaging to feminism as a whole.
By
refusing to consider trans people as a legitimate part of the feminist movement
and by delegitimizing their identities, feminism is pushing away allies and
becoming oppressive in and of itself. Why is it better to simply push these
people away than to open a dialogue and determine how to incorporate their
struggles and experiences into the feminist movement? As Green points out in
the concluding comments of the article, feminism has hardly been static
throughout the history of the movement (Green 246). It has made changes and
will continue to make them. Why then, is it so infeasible to change to accommodate
trans individuals?
I
believe that the heart of anti-inclusion feminism is fear, based on a lack of understanding
and a historical precedent of misinformation. The key to reducing this fear,
and thus reducing the pushback against trans people being a part of feminism,
is communication. Hopefully a meaningful dialogue can finally put to rest the
false fears of Janice Raymond, of the wolf sheep’s clothing trans woman whose
very existence is diametrically opposed to feminism. Instead, they can be seen
as the women that they are, as people who are not defined by their genitals,
and who may have experienced and evaluated the system in ways that traditional
feminism may not have thought of before. And in the end I believe that this
will make feminism stronger.
Bornstein,
K. (1994). Gender outlaw: On men, women and the rest of us. London:
Routledge
Green,
E. R. (2006). Debating trans inclusion in the feminist movement. Journal of
Lesbian Studies, 10(1-2), 231-248.
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