http://www.feministezine.com |
In Iris Young’s piece, Throwing Like a Girl, she rejects the
idea that differences in body comportment and spatiality between the sexes are
the result of inherent biological characteristics or a “feminine essence” with
which women are born. While men and women have differences when it comes to
movement and use of the body, she brings up that we cannot examine such
differences in a void. The situation must be examined and the social, cultural,
historical and economic forces that act upon men and women must be considered
when seeking to explain why someone may “throw like a girl”.
As
Young describes it, drawing from previous works such as that of De Beauvoir,
women feel limited in the use of their bodies and the space around them. They
feel timid and tend to trust their bodies less than their male counterparts do.
This comes as the result of situational forces rather than biology, as women
are not given the same opportunities and encouragement to use their bodies as
men are, and they are also conditioned by society to carry themselves in a
particular “feminine” manner. As Young puts it, “the more a girl assumes her
status as feminine, the more she takes herself to be fragile and immobile, and
the more she enacts her own body inhibition” (153). This idea of the fragility
of the female body and the inhibition of that body comes from the fact that
women are taught that they are defined by their bodies. They are given the
message that their bodies are ornaments to be gazed upon, rather than subject
that may act as they please.
One
point that Young briefly touches upon, which I found to be immensely
interesting, is that women themselves may pick up the idea of the female body
as a mere object. While others may be the source of the attitude, the woman
herself may help perpetuate it. I did further research into this idea, and
found an interesting article concerning how this “self-objectification” exists
in and can affect the lives of women.
It
has been found that self-objectification can lead to increased opportunities
for negative emotions such as shame, disgust and anxiety (Gettman, 2004). These
increased negative emotions could likely feed back into increased femininity,
as someone who is anxious about and ashamed of their body and is more easily
disgusted by dirt and the production of sweat is not likely to engage with more
stereotypically masculine activities, such as sports. All of these emotions
encourage women to see their bodies as enemies, or as an unruly thing that
needs to be policed and brought into line with cultural expectations. This
viewpoint is unlikely to lead to feelings of trust in the body’s abilities and
feed the idea of women as fragile and pristine.
Self-objectification
has also been found to be extremely easy to activate and reinforce. Everyday
things, such as exposure to media images of thin women, can lead to increases
in self-objectification and the associated negative feelings (Gettman, 2004). Even
the most subtle priming, such as hearing or reading words like “elegant”, “figure”
or “posing” was enough to cause activation of self-objectification (Gettman,
2004). Basically, any reminder of the body or physical attractiveness was enough
to cause women to be concerned about and judge their own bodies. Women have
come to associate themselves with physical attractiveness, and are extremely
concerned with how they as objects may be viewed by other people. Women see
their bodies as things to be evaluated by other people, rather than as part of
themselves as subjects, the source of abilities, skills, and strength.
The
fact that women do not connect their bodies with physical attractiveness rather
than physical competence or abilities was also shown in the Gettman study. While
women responded to words like “weight” and “appearance” with anxiety,
connecting those ideas with their bodies, they did not respond to words like “strong”,
“vitality” or “energetic” (Gettman, 2004). These results, that women did not
respond to terms linked with body competence, shows that women either do not
connect those ideas with their bodies at all or they are not concerned that their
bodies are not perceived in those terms. The fact that women worry about the
perception of their bodies as physically attractive but do not respond with
similar concerns about their bodies as physically competent shows just how
engrained cultural messages about women’s bodies truly are. Women are taught
that their bodies, particularly the appearance of their bodies, are what define
them, to the point that the mere suggestion of attractiveness provokes anxiety
about living up to cultural standards. There is no such reaction for being
reminded of physical skill or athleticism.
The
culture that surrounds women is one that teaches them to consider their bodies
as objects. These objects are to be groomed, polished and ornamented so as to
be beautiful and desirable. This objectification distances women not only from
other people, but from their own bodies. When the body is regarded as simply a
thing and objectified, it is hard to feel a connection to it. As Young describes
it, a woman “cannot be in unity with herself, but must take a distance from and
exist in discontinuity with her body” (154). This distancing keeps women from
moving openly, and contributes to the differences in body comportment between
men and women. If women were taught that their bodies were powerful, were
capable, and that physical exertion was a possible and positive activity for
them, I think we would see a much stronger connection between women and their
bodies. I would even say that that the phenomenon of “throwing like a girl”
would likely no longer exist.
Gettman, J.Y., & Roberts, T. (2004).
Mere exposure: Gender differences in the negative effects of priming a state of
self-objectification. Sex Roles, 51(1-2),
17-27
Young, I.M. (1980). Throwing like a girl: A phenomenology of feminine body comportment motility and spatiality. Human Studies, 3(1), 137-156
References
Young, I.M. (1980). Throwing like a girl: A phenomenology of feminine body comportment motility and spatiality. Human Studies, 3(1), 137-156
No comments:
Post a Comment